Papers and Abstracts


Invited Speakers

Frédéric AMSLER (Lausanne) : Remarques sur la réception byzantine des Actes de Philippe
La réception byzantine des Actes de Philippe ne compte qu’une petite vingtaine de pièces (cf. F. BOVON, « Les Actes de Philippe », ANRW II,25.6, 4443-4456) mais d’époques et de genres littéraires variés. Le phénomène de la réécriture de tout ou partie des Actes de Philippe est attesté au sein même de la collection qu’on peut dater du Ve siècle, mais se poursuit en tout cas jusqu’au Xe siècle sous des formes diverses. La figure de Philippe a fait également l’objet de notices prosopographiques, plus ou moins longues et plus ou moins inspirées de l’écrit apocryphe dans des Ménologes, des Synaxaires et autres listes d’apôtres. Enfin plusieurs éloges de l’apôtre témoignent d’une connaissance de l’apocryphe entre le Xe et le XIVe siècle. Il apparaît donc qu’à côté de leur copie jusqu’au XIVe siècle, les Actes de Philippe ont fait l’objet simultanément d’usages différenciés. La présente contribution se demandera si par-delà les fonctions liturgiques distinctes, d’autres critères tels que les lieux de production ou les polémiques théologiques, permettent d’expliquer cette diversité d’emplois d’un même écrit apocryphe.


John CAREY (Cork, Ireland) : The Reception of Apocryphal Texts in Medieval Ireland


Rémi GOUNELLE (Strasbourg) : Diffusion et réception des Actes de Pilate/Evangile de Nicodème dans le monde byzantin


Jean-Daniel KAESTLI (Lausanne) : La réception des Actes de Paul. Retour sur quelques vicissi-tudes d’un texte “profitable à l’âme” (ψυχωφελής)


Ioannis KARAVIDOPOULOS (Thessaloniki) : L’apocryphe “Paralipo¬mena de Jérémie” et son influence sur les textes liturgiques de l’Église Orthodoxe / Le livre des ‘Paralipomenes de Jeremie’ et son influence dans les textes liturgiques de l’ Eglise Orthodoxe


Xavier LEQUEUX (Brussels) : L’Index apostolorum discipulorumque Domini attribué à Dorothée de Tyr: le contenu et sa diffusion à Byzance


Chr. OIKONOMOU (AUTH, Faculty of Theology) : The apocryphal Revelation of John : the morphological effect of the canonical to the apocryphal Apocalypse of John


Symeon PASCHALIDIS [AUTH, Faculty of Theology] : Byzantine apocryphal traditions re-garding the Apostles: the case of St Paul


Jean-Michel ROESSLI (Montreal) : The Sibyls: Inspired by God, Instruments of the Demon, or Forgeries? Reflections on the Reception of the Sibylline Oracles in Early Modernity / Les Sibylles : prophétesses divines, instruments du démon ou forgeries ? Réflexions sur la réception des Oracles sibyllins à l’époque moderne


Els ROSE (Utrecht University): Cultural Contexts of the Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles in the Latin Middle Ages
One of the central questions of the symposium is the extent to which Christian apocryphal literature has influenced the liturgical life of the Church, in the composition of texts as well as in the organization of its festal calendar. The application of this question to the Latin transmission of the apocryphal Acts of the Apostles in the medieval West makes clear that the link between the apocryphal Acts and the liturgy is strong, but that liturgy was not the only incentive to transmit the apocryphal narratives, nor does it seem to have been the primary reason to do so. Other cultural patterns show the longue durée of these ancient traditions and the relevance of their protagonists. Thus, the apostles and the stories about their missionary work are referred to in domains as diverse as the process of the Christianization of medieval Europe (and beyond); mirrors for princes; and the transmission of Latin learned culture in regions where Latin had never been the mother tongue. The sources indicate that the relevance of the apocryphal Acts and their protagonists surpasses the strictly confined religious domain of liturgy and spiritual contemplation and instead serves purposes that encompass the full range of medieval cultural life and thinking.


Stephen SHOEMAKER (University of Oregon, USA):  Receiving the Last Emperor: Ps.-Methodius’ Reception and Revision of the Tiburtine Sibyl


Christopher VENIAMIN [St Tikhon’s Orthodox Theological Seminary, USA] : The Transfigura-tion in Pre-Nicene Apocryphal Literature


Participants with free communication
Pablo ARGÁRATE [Karl‑Franzens‑Universität Graz] : Kathodos eis Haden. Les Kontakia de Romanos Melodos et les Actes de Pilate
Romanos is deemed one of the foremost hymnographers in the Byzantine tradition. From Syrian origin, born in Emesa, and relocated afterwards to Beirut, it was in the capital of the Empire where, as a deacon, he brought the kontakion  to its climax in the century of Justini-an. It is proven that the kontakia  manifest formal influence of Syriac poetry. The memra, the madrasha , but very especially the sogita  are thus to be regarded at the origins of the kontakia . Their sources are the Diatessaron  and Ephrem’s madrashe,  from which they draw abundantly. In addition to this, we ought to refer to the deep dramatic and dialogical character of these compositions, the strength of their imagery along with the emphasis on the antithetical aspect with abundant usage of oxymora . All this made from the kontakion  a poetic form extremely appealing in its liturgical setting not only to the Byzantine world.
Romanos’ extant kontakia  surpass the number of fifty and are distributed throughout the Church year, building one of the highpoints of Byzantine liturgy and evoking the mystery by means of diverse poetic structures and elements. Although the compositions on the Nativity are the most well known among the oeuvre of Romanos, the kontakia  on the Resurrection (anastasima ) are not less outstanding. In the corpus, we find sixth pieces referred to that event (Grosdidier de Matons 40-45). While 40-41 have a clear apologetic rationale, kontakia 42-45 evolve around Christ’s descent into Hades. Furthermore, it is the personified Hades the protagonist of those pieces. To these, we should even add hymn 38 -On the Victory of the Cross- that shares the same thematic.
The topic of the descent into Hades is to be brought in relation with the ancient myth of Herakles’ journey, representations of the liberation of Adam and Eve, and some apocryphal texts, mainly gospels. Already mentioned by Melitos of Sardes, it finds expression in some Fathers of the Church, chiefly in Ephrem. Special antecedents are the so-called “dramatical homilies” (chiefly from Basil of Seleucia, Proclus of Constantinople, Eusebius of Alexandria, Severian of Glaba, Amphilochius of Iconium, and Leontius of Constantinople). The aforemen-tioned kontakia lively present several dialogues full of compelling imagery between Hades, on the one side, and Christ, Adam, Death, the Serpent, on the other. They build an outstand-ing dramatic tension enhanced by poetic resources, creating a superb approach to the mys-tery of the resurrection of Christ and the liberation of the dead from the power of Hades.
My paper (in French ) undertakes a detailed analysis of this “infernal drama,” in its varied themes, poetic components, and theological insights, especially in relation to the Apocryphal Acts of Pilate.


Eirini ARTEMI [Greek Orthodox Archdiocese of Athens] : “In a man who loves wisdom the fa-ther will be glad.” Stromata A1. Clement’s of Alexandria teaching about the cryptic tradition in the Apocryphical books of the Bible
Clement emphasizes the permanent importance of philosophy for the fullness of Christian knowledge, explains with special predilection the relation between knowledge and faith, and sharply criticizes those who are unwilling to make any use of philosophy. He pronounces def-initely against the sophists and against the hedonism of the school of Epicurus. For Clement the tradition of apocrypha is very different from the tradition of the Church.  Clement insists that educated and mature Christians inevitably seek an understanding superior to that of catechesis, and in this progressive theology necessarily included philosophy. He underlines that God gave the Jews the Old Testament as a preparation for the uptake of Christ, gave the Greek philosophy for the same purpose. The Old Testament and Greek philosophy are two great tributaries of the same river. Clement explains with emphasis that the cryptic tradition leads the gnostic to become the embodiment of the presence of Christ in the world. Although the Christian tradition belongs to the Church, for this reason Clement doesn’t refer frequently to the Church, because he makes reference to another tradition. At the same time he doesn’t want to delete the genuine ecclesiastic tradition.


Bruce BECK Christos ARABATZIS [Holy Cross, Boston – AUTH, Faculty of Theology], Intertextuality and Reception History in the story of Jonah and Elijah in the Lives of the Prophets
This paper will examine a bold and creative example of intertextuality in the retelling of the life of Jonah in the Lives of the Prophets. In this Christian text, which according to St. Jerome contains many Jewish traditions, the life of the prophet Jonah is intertwined with the life of Elijah within the narrative setting of the account of Elijah and the Widow of Zarephath. After providing a brief introduction to the work as a whole, we will focus on the section on Jonah in order to explore one of several cases where the prophet Elijah “visits” another biblical prophet (thus expanding the biblical narrative); in addition, we will trace the reception of this story of Jonah and Elijah (contributing to the on-going discussion of the dating and historical context of the work), and the hermeneutical approaches taken by Christian writers from the 5th – 18th centuries, including how the story made its way into the Synaxarion about the prophet Jonah (Sept 21) of the Greek Orthodox Church.


Constantinos BOZINIS [AUTH, Faculty of Theology] : Theios Eros in the apocryphal Acts of Paul and Thecla


Theoni BOURA [EKPA, MA Theology Athens] : The Apocryphal Works in the 5th century: The Works, their subject and their historic information about that period


Dominique CÔTÉ [Université d’Ottawa] : Rufin d’Aquilée et les Reconnaissances : stratégies littéraires et prises de position doctrinales
Nous ignorons tout des auteurs des Homélies et des Reconnaissances pseudo-clémentines et la datation exacte de ces deux œuvres, sans parler de leur source commune, demeure notoirement difficile. Nous connaissons très bien, en revanche, la vie et l’œuvre de celui qui nous a donné la traduction latine des Reconnaissances, Rufin d’Aquilée. Nous connaissons aussi très bien la date de cette traduction latine, l’an 406, et grâce à la préface de cette traduction, nous connaissons également les raisons qui ont amené Rufin à traduire l’histoire de Clément de Rome en latin. Rufin est bien le seul, en effet, à nous dire clairement pourquoi le récit des pérégrinations de Clément et de Pierre mérite d’être lu et rendu accessible aux chrétiens d’Occident. Il s’agit, explique-t-il à l’évêque Gaudentius, de restituer Clément à la langue latine et d’apporter aux lecteurs romains les dépouilles de la Grèce qui ouvrent les trésors cachés de la sagesse. Dans toute la «chaîne de production» des Pseudo-Clémentines, la préface de Rufin nous offre, d’ailleurs, le seul témoignage direct sur l’existence des deux versions du roman et sur leur réception au tournant des IVe et Ve siècle.
Pour quelles raisons Rufin est-il d’abord devenu lecteur du roman pseudo-clémentin, et ensuite traducteur (et peut-être jusqu’à un certain point auteur?) des Reconnaissances, pour quelles raisons, autrement dit, Rufin a-t-il joué dans ce cas le rôle d’un passeur, pour reprendre le terme de Pennac, telles sont les questions que j’entends aborder dans le cadre de cette communication. Ces questions sont évidemment liées à celle, particulièrement difficile, de la fiabilité de Rufin en tant que traducteur. De nombreux travaux ont été consacrés à son travail de traducteur en général (Brooks 1982; Chin 2010), ou à ses traductions d’Eusèbe et d’Origène (Humphries 2008), mais très peu d’études se sont intéressées plus spécifiquement à sa traduction des Reconnaissances (Duval 2008) et de la Lettre de Clément à Jacques (Neil 2006).
En me basant notamment sur les travaux récents de Duval et de Chin et en mettant à profit la notion de champ littéraire, telle que définie par Pierre Bourdieu, je proposerai une interprétation de la préface à la traduction des Reconnaissances qui tiendra compte du contexte littéraire (tentative de définir la pensée chrétienne en relation avec la culture grec-que) et doctrinal (controverse origéniste) de la fin du IVe siècle. En termes bourdieusiens, je montrerai le rapport qui existe entre la prise de position de Rufin dans le champ littéraire (la décision de traduire Clément) et sa prise de position dans le champ du pouvoir (la décision de défendre Origène).
Bibliographie sommaire
Bourdieu, P. 1992. Les règles de l’art. Genèse et structure du champ littéraire. Paris.
Brooks, E. C. 1982. «The Translation Techniques of Rufinus of Aquileia (343-411)», Studia Patristica 17.1: 357-364.
Chin, C. M. 2010. «Rufinus of Aquileia and Alexandrian Afterlives : Translation as Origenism», JECS 18: 617-647.
Duval, Y.-M. 2008. «Le texte latin des Reconnaissances clémentines. Rufin, les interpolations et les raisons de sa traduction», dans Amsler, F., Frey, A. et C. Touati (éd.), Nouvelles in-trigues pseudo-clémentines. Lausanne. 79-92
Humphries, M. 2008. «Rufinus’s Eusebius: Translation, Continuation, and Edition in the Latin Ecclesiastical History», JECS16: 143-164.
Murphy, F. X. 1945. Rufinus of Aquileia (345-410): His Life and Works. Washington (DC).
Neil, B. 2003. «Rufinus’ Translation of the Epistola Clementis ad Iacobum», Augustinianum 43: 25-39.
Pouderon, B. 2012. La genèse du roman pseudo-clémentin. Études littéraires et historiques. Paris-Louvain.
Thélamon, F. 2001. «Écrire l’histoire de l’Église d’Eusèbe de Césarée à Rufin d’Aquilée», dans B. Pouderon et Y.-M. Duval (éd.), L’historiographie de l’Église des premiers siècles. Paris. 207-235.
Wagner, M. 1945. Rufinus the Translator: A Study of his Theory and Practice as Illustrated in His Version of the Apologetica of St.Gregory Nazianzen. Washington.


Athanasios DESPOTIS [Evangelisch-Theologische Fakultät Bonn]: Bekehrungserfahrung und Erinnerung in den ‘gnostischen Evangelien’
Die Forschung der Bekehrungserfahrung oder “spirituellen Transformation” gewinnt in den letzten Jahren ständig an Interesse. Mit der Bekehrungsforschung befassen sich u. a. Wissenschaftler, welche die Erscheinung, die Struktur und das Leben der frühen christlichen Gemeinden erforschen. Bisher wurden vor allem einschlägige Texte bezüglich der Bekehrungserfahrung und –erinnerung aus den kanonischen Texten des Neuen Testaments besprochen. Das Zum-Glauben-Kommen und der Eingang der Konvertiten in die christ¬lichen Gemeinden, sind jedoch Schwerpunkte, mit denen sich auch Autoren von „gnostischen“ Evangelien befassen. Die aktuelle Forschung des Bekehrungskonzeptes in den „gnostischen“ Evangelien fokussiert vor allem auf das „Evangelium der Wahrheit“ und bestreitet die klassische Ansicht, dass die Autoren der „gnostischen“ Evangelien einen strikten Determinismus bezüglich der Hinwendung des Menschen zum Christusglauben vertreten. In der vorliegenden Studie wird beabsichtigt Reflexionen bezüglich der Bekehrungserfahrung und –erinnerung zu belichten, die nicht nur im Evangelium der Wahrheit, sondern auch in den übrigen am meist bekannten „gnostischen“ Evangelien überliefert sind: Das Evangelium Marias sowie das Thomas-, das Philippus- und das Judasevangelium. Das Ziel dieser Untersuchung ist nicht nur die unterschiedlichen Typen theologischer Deutung des Bekehrungskonzeptes in den “gnostischen” Evangelien darzustellen, sondern sie auch aus einer interdisziplinären und orthodoxen Perspektive zu besprechen.


Sotirios DESPOTISDimitrios ALEXOPOULOS [EKPA, Faculty of Theology] : Artemis and Thecla. Τhe meeting of the ancient goddess with the christian female apostolic saint in the first four centuries of Christianity (historical and comparative reflections)
The paperʼs subject is about the interrelation between the cult of the goddess Artemis and the cult of Saint Thecla of Iconium throughout the Eastern Mediterranean in the initial four centuries of Christianity. It is centered around the literature, cities, social groups and person-alities mostly associated with the cultural meeting of the free-spirited but fearsome goddess protector of the wilderness, virginity and childhood with the virgin heroe of the Cross and apostolic companion of Paul for spreading the logos of life to the nations.


Christiane FURRER (Lausanne) : Germain de Constantinople et les Actes de Pilate. Un texte apocryphe à la source d’une symbolique liturgique
Il s’agirait de faire une étude comparative d’un extrait de l'”Histoire ecclésiastique” de Germain I de Constantinople avec le premier chapitre des “Actes de Pilate” décrivant l’invitation du Christ à comparaître devant le tribunal de Pilate. Le texte de l’Histoire ecclésiastique de Germain de Constantinople qui nous intéresse ici, constitue une sorte de commentaire liturgique, comprenant des explications allégoriques et mystiques d’institutions et de cérémonies religieuses; le passage en question tente d’expliciter et d’illustrer des termes comme, par exemple, l'”eilêton” que l’huissier déroule sur le sol à l’entrée du Christ lors de son procès romain devant Pilate.


Konstantinos GEORGIADIS [AUTH, Faculty of Theology] : Apocrypha: The Ideological Ma-trix of Byzantine Iconoclasm
According to the iconoclast Definition (Horos) of Hieria (754) and, particularly, in reference to its florilegium consisting of 8 patristic excerpts, Apocrypha seems to affect Iconoclasts’ theology and iconology decisively. Furthermore, in the 5th Session of Seventh Oecumenical Council, where 19 texts are investigated as direct historical and theological sources for justi-fying the exact causes of Iconoclasm, Hierarchs focus on two extensive passages from the apocryphal Acts of John. The Constantine’s of Constantia comment “This is the book, which created their [Iconoclasts’] pseudo-council” is indicative.
The philological, historical and theological research methods used by the Seventh Oecumeni-cal Council are not only vindicated by modern science but proven exemplary, as well. On the basis of evidence provided by the Council, the Iconoclasts’ influence by the Apocrypha is ob-vious on five levels: i) identified interpolations in a few authentic patristic sources used by Hieria Council, ii) interpreting Holy Scripture and Church Fathers in accordance with princi-ples of Gnosticism or Manicheism, iii) including material like Letter to Constantia, written by semi-Arian Eusebius of Caesarea, among other patristic sources, iv) points of Gnostic or Manichean cosmology, anthropology and soteriology and, finally, v) docetic Christology (i.e. considering the flesh of Divine Word as shadow or evil entity), which is the only reasonable justification for Iconoclast’s fury against Holy Icons.


Matteo GROSSO [University of Torino] : For a Reception History of Thomas’ Sayings in Early Christian Literature : An Overview of the Textual Evidences
Among early Christian apocryphal texts, perhaps no one has drawn the scholarly attention as the Gospel of Thomas (NHC II,2; POxy 1; 654; 655); yet its reception history in antiquity re-main overall unclear. On the one hand, a conspicuous number of references to its title in early Centuries attests how a certain interest toward this condemned book was persistent (see: Simon Gathercole, Named Testimonia to the Gospel of Thomas. An Expanded Inventory and Analysis, “Harvard Theological Review” 105:1 (2012), 53-89); on the other hand, many Christian authors from the Third to the Fifth Century quote Jesus’sayings that find close parallels in Thomas’formulations. This paper focuses on this second corpus of textual evidences, often elusive and challenging, but always significant both in term of form and content. An overview on the nature and provenance of this textual evidences in early Christian texts will be offered, as well as on their possible impact on the theological systems and the religious practices.


Kristian S. HEAL [Brigham Young University] : Redeeming Potiphar’s Wife: The Reception of a Motif in the Syriac Tradition
The History of Joseph is an apocryphal Christian text written in Syriac in the late fourth/early fifth century. Within this text is found a unique episode describing the forgiveness of Poti-phar’s wife. The story of Joseph was a favorite topic of early Syriac homilists, and numerous works survive on this topic from the fifth and sixth century. The Redemption of Potiphar’s Wife motif was received into the Syriac homiletic tradition at an early date, though with some reticence, but was ultimately rejected. This paper examines the appearance and use of this motif in Syriac patristic literature and seeks to explain the demise of its appeal despite the continued appeal of the Syriac History of Joseph itself


Nikos KOUREMENOS [Pontificium Istituto Orientale, Roma] : The Garden of Jannes and Jambres in Egyptian Monastic Tradition
Jannes and Jambres were the names of the Egyptian magicians in the court of Pharaoh who struggled Moses and Aaron according to Jewish non biblical tradition that however it has been accepted by Paul (II Tim. 3,8). Their names are also linked with an Apocryphon among the Chester Beatty Papyri with the title The Apocryphon of Jannes and Jambres the magi-cians. In Christian literal tradition Jannes and Jambres represent the example par excellence of the usage of magic power to struggle against the God’s will. Although many Christian writ-ers made reference to the ‘Book of Jannes and Jambres’ there is a few evidence for the usage or even the knowledge of its’ content by them. Historia Lausiaca, Life of Macarius and Historia Monachorum in Aegypto constitute a group of texts in which it is included a legend-ary tradition related with Macarius of Alexandria that seems to have been inspired by the content of the Apocryphon. Purpose of this paper is to study this textual corpus in order to establish the origin, the development and the intertextuality of this tradition.


Rev. Konstantinos KARAISARIDIS [AUTH, Faculty of Theology] : La receprion des traditions apocryphes sur saint John le Precurseur dans les textes hagiographiques et liturgiques byzantines


Yanko MARINOV [Institute of Art Studies, Bulgarian Academy of Sciences] : An apocryphal sticheron against heretical doctrines. Decoding and understanding of Paleobyzantine Notations based on stichera apocrypha


Michael MUTHREICH [Akademie der Wissenschaften / Patristische Kommission, Göttingen] : The Autobiography of Dionysius the Areopagite or How to Promote the Implementation of Phi-losophy into Christianity


Melina PAISIDOU [AUTH, Dept. of History and Archaeology] : L’influence des Apocryphes et des Drames Liturgiques a la peinture murale du 15eme siecle
Dans la communication présente on examine la formation et la pénétration des éléments iconographiques dans la peinture murale du 15ème siècle, sous l’influence des textes Apo-cryphes et en combinaison aux drames liturgiques. On discerne, surtout, la catégorie des thèmes du cycle de la Passion du Christ et quelques thèmes ou motifs isolés du cycle christo-logique et on les fait dépendre aux textes, tels comme « Gesta Pilati », « Acta Pilati » et « Decensus Christi ad Inferos».
D’un autre point de vue on examine la relation des textes Apocryphes et leur ton narratif et théâtral avec les drames liturgiques médiévaux, surtout le drame « Christos Paschon », et on commente leur corrélation réciproque en le basant au besoin des fidèles, des artistes et de l’Eglise même, afin de donner un résultat représentatif et explicatif pour la meilleure com-préhension des textes canoniques. Ainsi, le texte littéraire devient plus populaire, scénique et compréhensible, sans risquer de devenir hérétique. La mise en scène de la Passion –tant en action qu’à la peinture murale- c’est une pratique qui fait appel aux sentiments et aux sensations du spectateur, mais sans s’éloigner des pratiques byzantines, puisqu’on connait bien des paradigmes des représentations dramatiques qui avaient lieu pendant le service li-turgique dans les églises byzantines.
En examinent les paradigmes de la peinture murale post byzantine du 15ème siècle on cons-tate que l’adoption des sujets iconographiques puisant aux textes Apocryphes et aux drames liturgiques prouve leur acceptation par les cycles ecclésiastiques et surtout monastiques. On observe, quand même, l’usage plus ample et plus libre aux monuments de la Macédoine de l’ouest et du nord ou bien périphériques et insulaires, comme en Crète et en Chypre en ac-centuant le rôle de l’«atelier de Castoria» et des peintres isolés qui s’activent sous l’influence occidentale. Enfin on essaye à prouver la réciprocité, plus ou moins étroite, entre l’art post byzantin et occidental et les échanges des éléments iconographiques, par le biais de l’usage des textes et des motifs apocryphes.


Spyros P. PANAGOPOULOS [Univeristy of Patras] : The Influence of the Pro¬te¬vangelium Iacobi in the Middle Byzantine Homiletic Tradition on the Mother of God
As Averil Cameron has pointed out the apocryphal text known as the Protevangelium Iacobi or as the “Infancy Gospel”, remains a puzzle in the history of devotion to the Holy Virgin in the Early Church. Scholars accept its composition to the middle or end of the second century on the basis of both Origen’s and Clement of Alexandria’s references to it in their writings. As most scholars agree, devotion to Mary, the Mother of Jesus Christ, begun to receive formal expression in most liturgical or theological sources until approximately the beginning of the fourth century. It reached a high point after the affirmation of Mary as “Theotokos” (“Birth-giver of God”) at the 3rd Ecumenical council that took place in Ephesos in 431, when preachers such as Proclus of Constantinople, Cyril of Alexandria, Hesychius of Jerusalem, John of Thessalonica and others begun to produce laudationes and sermones in her honour. Among other canonical and apocryphal texts of the late second century, the Protevangelium is unique in its focus on the person of the Virgin Mary. It is true that other early apocryphal texts do concern themselves with Mary and the events of her life or with the infancy of Christ, but none of these focuses so exclusively on her.
On the basis of the Protevangelium we will examine Middle Byzantine homilies and sermons to the Mother of God on the occasion of the feasts of Mary’s Conception, Nativity and Presentation into the Temple, while we will focus also on the origins of the Marian feasts. We have chosen to study homilies and sermons of the Middle Byzantine period, as during this period appear the most impressive homilies and sermons on the Mother of God, inspired by the theology of the Church. Among the authors of the above festal texts include hierarchs and saints, such as Andrew of Crete, John of Damascus, Germanus of Constantinople, Kosmas Vestitor etc. Within such festal contexts, various aspects of these authors’ methods will be traced and examined, including, among others, their use of the Protevangelium narrative, allusion to its theological meaning and development of certain typological themes.


Eirini PANOU [Hebrew University of Jerusalem] : The Protevangelion of James, the Holy Scrip-ture and the veneration of Mary’s parents in ninth-century Byzantium
The Protevangelion of James was never officially accepted by the Orthodox Church because of its apocryphal nature. However, the study of the veneration of Mary’s parents in Byzanti-um shows that from the ninth century onwards, through the influence of Marian homilies and the dogma of the Incarnation, theological thought moved towards the opposite direction.  While the Protevangelion of James belonged to the παραγεγραμ¬μέ¬να, νόθα, and ἀπόβλητα texts of the Church, by the ninth and tenth centuries it was regarded part of the Holy Scripture and Evangelical teaching, as we deduce from the writings of Niketas the Paphagonian and Peter, metropolitan of Argos.  Niketas the Paphagonian holds that he who does not know the parents of the Theotokos has not ‘visited’ the Holy Scriptures and Peter of Argos considers Saint Anne as the boast of evangelical teaching. A later homilist, James Kokkinobaphos (12th century) dedicated a sermon to the Presentation of Mary to the temple, an event we know only from the Protevangelion and tells us that it was taken from the Holy Scripture. The paper analyzes the parameters that formed the ideological shift pertaining to the acknowledgement of the Protevangelion in Byzantium and how these influenced the veneration of Mary’s parents from the ninth century onwards.


Archim. Gregorios PAPATHOMAS [EKPA, Faculty of Theology], La Litterature Apocryphe comme source des canons de l’Eglise


Michel-Yves PERRIN [Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, Paris] : Epigraphie et textes apocryphes chrétiens : un témoin méconnu de la Lettre tombée du ciel sur le dimanch


Maïeul ROUQUETTE [Université de Lausanne] : L’apôtre Tite dans l’hagiographie byzantine
Peu de textes sont associés àTite, apôtre de la Crète. Les deux principaux sont les Actes de Tite (BHG 1850z), disponibles en deux recensions grecques et une traduction latine, et l’Homélie sur Tite d’André de Crète (BHG 1852).
Après une présentation des traditions narratives que ces textes transmettent ainsi que de leurs rapports mutuels, nous nous intéresserons à leurs diffusions manuscrites, en nous concentrant sur la nature des recueils hagiographiques les contenant.


Athanassios SEMOGLOU [AUTH, Dept. of History and Archaeology] : L’apport des apocryphes dans l’interpretation de l’iconographie chrétienne : le cas des deux compositions énigmatiques de l’enfance du Christ


Dariya SYROYID [Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, Ukraine] : The Image of Paradise in medieval monastic hagiography and its apocryphal origins
In the medieval lives of monks there are many mentions of paradise, paradise as common goal for saint monk or for all mankind. The monastic community is often represented as something like paradise or as a model of earthly paradise. The byzantine monastic lives of saints or hagiography written in this tradition (for example hagiography of Kyivan Rus’) have many more or less obvious references to apocryphal origins of image of paradise and the road to paradise. Often it is a spiritual (or metaphorical) road to holiness, a way of self-improving. But on the other hand the symbolic picture of paradise frequently consists of many real things used in real monastic life. Review of apocryphal origins of the image of paradise and the road to paradise gives an opportunity to see many new aspects of these image.
The paper will be based on the translated into Church Slavonic Byzantine and Old Kyivan origi-nal texts.


Evangelos STAVROPOULOS [Doctorant de l’Histoire du Droit Romain Tardif, Paris Sud- XI] : Mundus Senescit : la contribution de l’Apocalypse de pseudo-Méthode de Patara à l’élaboration du messianisme politique romain tardif
•    Introduction brève par rapport à l’histoire de source
(L’acquisition de la traduction grecque de l’Apocalypse de pseudo- Méthode et son incorpo-ration son contexte historique contemporain).
•    Histoire et périodisation : la relation entre l’Apocalypse de pseudo-Méthode et l’Histoire ec-clésiastique d’Eusèbe.
(La synthèse de la conception historique entre pseudo- Méthode et Eusèbe, comme elle se manifeste dans le critère herméneutique fondamental de la périodisation. En parallèle, nous examinons l’influence exercée de cette conception à la tradition historiographique et chro-nographique de Byzance).
•    Histoire et Apocalypse : la relation entre l’Apocalypse de pseudo-Méthode et la Vision de Quatre Royaumes de Daniel.
(La signification d’une lecture parallèle de l’Apocalypse avec le livre canonique de Daniel. L’affirmation à l’histoire à son fin : Eschatologie et messianisme).
•    La présence de l’Apocalypse de pseudo-Méthode dans le contexte des lectures hagiologiques byzantines : les conceptions populaires et les espoirs messianiques.
(L’incorporation des idées centrales de l’œuvre aux lectures hagiologiques populaires, comme par exemple la vie de hosios Andréas le Salos, et leur influence exercée à la produc-tion littéraire des érudits byzantins, comme par exemple l’Histoire de Léon le Diacre. Les présuppositions de la création d’une attitude politique comme le résultat de l’acquisition et de la popularité de l’Apocalypse de pseudo- Méthode : un manuel des opposants au régime Imperial ?)
•    L’Apocalypse de pseudo-Méthode comme moyen de l’élaboration et du propagandisme de la politique messianique impériale : l’exemple de la dynastie des Comnènes.
(L’idée pseudométhodienne de l’Empereur des derniers jours et son propagandisme consé-quent par  les Comnènes. Le ‘’messianisme byzantin’’, comme un instrument d’exercice de la politique intérieure et étrangère impériale. La tentative d’une synthèse entre l’espace histo-rique  et l’espoir messianique).


Susana TORRES-PRIETO [Universidad Eclesiástica San Dámaso, Madrid] :The Slavonic tradition of the Gospel of Nicodemus: possible answers to the labyrinth
The Slavonic tradition of the Gospel of Nicodemus is probably the most complex of all the extant traditions. Deriving from both Latin and Greek originals, as it was translated in both areas of the Slavic speaking world, the Slavonic tradition has traditionally been studied according to the original it was translated from. However, on close scrutiny it becomes evident that the radical difference in the number of extant manuscripts in either version is related to the techniques of copying and composing texts due to theological reasons in the Orthodox realm. While the role of the scribe in Slavia Orthodoxa was very limited in terms of the modification of the text received, and probably due precisely to this fact, they developed a technique of copying and pasting passages of the text, reordering them if necessary, even taking parts to create new texts altogether, like the later tradition of the Strasti Khristovy. This fact should be taken into account when attempting a critical edition of the Slavonic apocryphal gospels, because, in view of this and other particularities of the Slavonic tradition, decisions have to be taken that could only be partially in line with current trends in critical editing. One of the possible exits to the labyrinth, which would include more than 200 manuscripts if taken fully, would be to separate the literary units as they were understood by the copyists in the Orthodox realm and replicate, in our editing, the copying techniques which understood both the unity of the text and the consistency of the variants in a radically different way.


Peter TOTH [King’s College, London] : Apocryphized Christology: Origin and Function of the Apocryphal Vision of Christ in Gethsemane
The lecture would stand closest to the Field Five of your call where papers are supposed to address question of the connection between Christian heresiology and apocrypha, but I would like to approach this question from an opposite angle. Instead of analysing how apoc-ryphal narratives have influenced patristic theology, I would like to try to see how the church fathers tried to use and construct extra-biblical narratives to popularise Orthodox Christolo-gy. A case-study for this hitherto un-investigated literary technique is the curious vision of Christ in the garden of Gethsemane, preserved and attributed to John the Evangelist in many Latin manuscripts of the later Middle Ages, whereby Christ sees a vision in which his heaven-ly Father encourages him to assume the upcoming passion and sends him seven angels with the instruments of the passion to show him the importance and significance of his upcoming tortures. A thorough theological and literary analysis of this apocryphal dialogue between Christ and the heavenly hosts can reveal not only the patristic (Greek and Latin) sources and the origins of this Latin narrative, but – more importantly – will also highlight the methods and the ways how apocryphal narratives have continuously been constructed from the earli-est periods up to the close of the Middle Ages.


Aikaterini TSALAMPOUNI, [AUTH, Faculty of Theology] : One Villain, Many Deaths: the case of Judas Iscariot from the perspective of cultural memory


Vasileios TZERPOS [Athens] : “The Parable of “the Trees and their Fuits” in the New Testament and the Apocryphal Literature


Emanuela VALERIANI [AELAC]: Symbolism and eschatology in the Apocryphal Apocalypse of John: A comparison with the canonical Revelation
The Apocryphal Apocalypse of John, often called First Apocryphal Apocalypse of John, is still rather neglected among Christian apocalypses.
No reliable hypothesis about its dating has been formed until now, much less about the circles in which it may have been written and the public it may have been intended for. However, its form and content firmly put this text in the literary genre of apocalypses.
The speaker in this (of course pseudepigraphic) book is John the apostle and this element, together with many clues inside the text, clearly shows that the author was well acquainted with the Revelation. That is why, in the attempt to seek some answers to the many unresolved issues related to this Christian apocalypse, the present paper will focus on its relationship with Revelation, drawing attention to the evident points of contact and to the most relevant differences. For this purpose, the apocalyptic scenario will be carefully analyzed: it is a rather detailed narrative that aims to answer fundamental eschatological questions, such as the nature of the Kingdom announced by Christ and the events that will precede it, and that takes up and elaborates Revelation 19,11 to 22,9.
Special attention will be given to the manuscript tradition, represented by twenty-one Greek manuscripts, the oldest one dating back to the 13th century, another to 1342, while the others were written in the 15th and 6th centuries. The Greek manuscript tradition is supplemented by ancient translations into Armenian, Arabic and Old Slavonic, which suggests a rather wide circulation of the Apocryphal Apocalypse of John.
The critical edition published by Konstantin von Tischendorf in 1866 is no longer adequate not merely because the publisher collated only seven manuscripts, but because the great scholar’s effort to reconstruct an “original” text from manuscripts clearly representing different textual forms has become methodologically debatable. For this reason we shall often refer in our analysis to the variants of individual manuscripts or groups of manuscripts.


Joseph VERHEYDEN [University of Leuven] : Telling Titles. Ancient Christian Authors on Gospel Titles
Ancient Christian authors have preserved a number of references to apocryphal gospels that are known to us only by their title and probably were not really accessed either by these au-thors. The paper addresses the question of what may have been the point of transmitting such information and argues that it may have played a specific role in polemics and heresiography.


Andrey VINOGRADOV [Moscow] : Une vie d’apôtre : règle ou exception?


Nicole J.B. VOLMERING, [Dublin Institute of Advanced Studies] : Journeys to the Afterworld: “Apocalypse” or “Vision”?
In this paper I propose to examine the relationship between visions and apocalypses as ‘twin’ genres, to borrow Bernard McGinn’s phraseology. In the Medieval period, the genre of vision literature gave expression to increasingly elaborate representations of the afterworld through the medium of accounts of journeys. Its rise in popularity is connected to a growing interest in personal eschatology between the Late Antique and the Medieval period, in particular in the fate of the soul immediately upon death and in the geographical arrangement of the after-world. The influence of the Apocalypse of Paul — or Visio Sancti Pauli — and its subsequent Re-dactions on this development has frequently been observed, as has the function of this text, to-gether with the Apocalypse of Peter and Revelation, as a catalyst for the introduction to main-stream Christianity of apocalyptic motifs. The relationship between the genres of ‘vision’ and ‘apocalypse’ is recognisably close, and some of the essential features of the apocalypses are al-so present in the visions. However, their precise relationship has not as yet been clearly de-fined. On average, the two genres are differentiated on the basis that the visions express a dis-tinctly personal eschatology, whereas apocalypses are linked by more general historical con-cerns, a focus on the present as a time of crisis, and a belief in the immanence of the Parousia.
Yet the view here expressed, that the essentially historic nature of apocalypses may func-tion as a diagnostic marker for the genre, only holds true for a minority, characterised by the SBL Apocalypse Group as Type I(a) ‘historical apocalypses’ in Semeia 14, and is of limited use in identifying a distinction—if one is indeed to be made—between the Type II ‘journey’ apocalyps-es and the medieval visions. Indeed, the SBL analysis demonstrated that an interest in personal eschatology is a significant feature in all types of apocalypses, so that the differentiation is ra-ther one of degree. With a view to assessing the generic differences as well as the similarities between ‘vision’ and ‘apocalypse’, and ultimately the indebtedness of one upon the other, I take the approach of a comparative typological analysis, of which I intend to present the first results.


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